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Weapons for Latin America
A never ending old story
In the evaluation made by the U.S. Secretary of State of the great
country's foreign relations, and of the meaning, for the U.S.,
of other parts of the world, Latin America occupied the fourth
place, quite close to "even at a border line" the last.
It is not a matter for the Latin American's acrimony, when we
face this circumstance: these are the facts of reality "quite
simple ones, then. The United States, is the great power, the
superpower that the disappearance of the Cold War left as the
sole leading actor of the world scene. There it is, and this "as
Walter Lippmann called it" is the American century, a century
witnessing the ascent and predominance of the United States in
the contemporary scene; a brief century, as it has been called
by certain historians who contend that it only began in 1914 and
ended in 1989, with the fall of the Berlin wall. Latin American
knows it has been the American century (North American). Only
few are aware of it as Latin Americans who, in both world wars
and subsequently gave a notorious contribution "by action
or omission" to the fact that the United States should become
the century's power. This contribution, probably, has had a price:
and that price mat y be the fourth place it now holds in the State
Department's strategic evaluation. We say it already: there is
no room for acrimony, this is history, this is how it has been
and will always be, even when the United States will no longer
be the world's great power or the world's sole superpower. History
is nothing but a carrousel, and everything, in history, is a matter
of time. The idea of history a s a carrousel is not Arnold Toynbee's,
nor Ranke's, nor Hegel's. It is a simple idea, almost a common
place, but as all common place it claims full, absolute validity.
After the evaluation of the different world zones and of the place
corresponding to Latin America in the real scale of North American
priorities, another fact comes to confirm this fourth place: the
weapons sales. With this, two thesis are confirmed: first, that
of history as a carrousel, and then, the other, that we only hold
the fourth place. We say that there is no room for acrimony in
this of the fourth place because perhaps we deserve it. Whether
we deserve it or not, is a matter for discussion, for debate,
for self-awareness "if the expression is still valid/ We
have built history "that is our history, not any other"
asserting that others should be blamed for our ills. Enough: the
American century is ending and we are not going to recognize any
merit in the great Northern country. There now is a discussion
between the Pentagon and the State Department
on the convenience of selling weapons "sophisticated ones"
to Latin American countries. The Pentagon's argument is impeccable:
there are no dictatorships in Latin America, democracy is established,
it is already, thanks to the fall of the Berlin wall and of other
walls, a stabilized democracy. Accordingly, peace "or democracy"
are not jeopardized, and since "or democracy" are not
threatened, weapons should be sold to so happy countries, so happy
and civilized ones that they have gained the fourth place in strategic
importance for the United States of America. If any one "having
not had the privilege of living the American century" may
be fool enough or have the temerity to ask: democracy for what
if in democracy we have to do the same as all the world dictatorships
have which is to buy weapons?, there should be no despair if no
answers are found. It will be easy to explain that democracy has
a price, that it cannot be just freedom and that there are some
rules "those of the market" and that there are some
war industries that survived the Cold War that cannot just be
wounded up just like that, during the night. History is a carrousel,
this was not discovered by Toynbee, nor by Rankee or Hegel. It
was discovered by the U.S. weapon makers. Sales of weapons emerge
from time to time: once, it was the red threat; now, at the closing
of the American century, the reason is ingenuous: there is no
longer threat, accordingly we may keep selling weapons to Latin
Americans, it does not matter if their indebtedness becomes a
factor of instability. The moral conclusion: if there is perversion
in these business transaction, let us not look for it in others.
As the great philosopher Mafalda "of the Argentine cartoon"
said on a historic occasion: We have finally found the enemy:
we are it.
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